Friday, December 19, 2014

Htin Lin Oo Arrested without bail for insulting religion and will appear before court again on 24 Dec 2014

PHOTCR. Nay Oo
Htin Lin OoHtin Lin Oocr.အရွင္ေတဇာ နႏၵ
10848048_1515091188755178_6611353850381696434_n
10847960_1378593359105478_132771930467542686_n
“Buddha is not Burmese, not Shan and not Karen—so if you want to be an extreme nationalist and if you love to maintain your race that much, don’t believe in Buddhism,”
National League for Democracy member Htin Lin Oo has been subjected to a lawsuit for contravening the Burmese Penal Code’s statutes on religious offence, after a speech last month provoked outrage from Buddhist groups.
An officer from the Department of Immigration in Sagaing Division’s Chaung-U Township has filed a lawsuit against Htin Lin Oo under Article 295a, which prohibits “deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings”, and Article 298, which proscribes “uttering words […] with deliberate intent to wound religious feelings”. Both charges are punishable by fines or imprisonment of up to two years for the former and one year for the latter.

As Burmese,and “Literary Symposium author” he should better known….
Hsan Tint, judge from Myinmu Township court started hearing the trial on December 17 in place of Lin Min Tun, judge from Chaung-U Township court who is attending a training course at the Central Institute of Civil Service (Phaunggyi).
Ko Hsan Tun, a younger brother of Htin Lin Oo said that the judge asked him to apply for bail and then he prepared the application. But then the judge refused it as the plaintiff lawyer complained that the application is not valid.
“The trail is at the beginning stage. This case will be heard in accord with the laws. The court cannot grant bail in such case. The court cannot grant bail under the section 295 (a). I will hear the trail while he (Chaung-U township judge) is under training,” said Hsan Tint, judge from Myinmu Township court said.
While leaving the court after his first appearance, Htin Lin Oo said: “Now I am in a position to perform the purification of the Buddha Sasana as well as to ensure the rule of law. I will continue doing what I should do. You will see the fact I pointed out earlier. I had to fill in an application form for bail. I myself did not give any reason. The fact that there is no valid reason in the form is very bad. I was summoned by the court to appear in the court. I come here to face the trial in accord with the laws. But it amounts to arresting me by means of cheat. Do all courts in Myanmar have a habit of doing like so? I come here in advance to face this trial. I was not at large. The court issued a summons against me to face this trial. I have responsibility to face this trial as they said. I am not a defendant. I am innocent as long as indictable offences have yet to be found. All of you can imagine the situation of citizens if this is called the rule of law,” said Htin Lin Oo while leaving the court.
The judge asked Htin Lin Oo at the court hearing that he wanted to put up bail for him. But Htin Lin Oo refused to apply for bail. After that, the judge asked him again to apply for it and he filled in an application form for bail. But the court rejected his bail citing that there is no valid fact, according to locals who attended the court hearing.
The head of Immigration Department said: “Htin Lin Oo’s speech made at a literary event included some points defaming and insulting national and religion. He used such words about three times. So the Township Sangha Nayaka committee held its meeting on this matter. According to the committee’s decision, the township management committee was assigned to take a legal action against him. I am a head of township immigration department. This township has no separate township religious affairs department. But there is a state-level religious affairs department only. So I was assigned to file a lawsuit against him as a plaintiff. Then, I opened a lawsuit against him at the Chaung-U Township court in accord with the Section 295 (a) and 298 on November 20. He was charged after monks from the Township Sangha Nayaka Committee and those from the Township Management Committee had listened to all of his speech. The trial will go on in accord with the laws.”
Htin Lin Oo said: “A 10-minute excerpt of my speech was widely shared over social media. My speech is 1:40 hrs long. But a 10-minute excerpt is taken out of the context. The 10-minute CDs are distributed among the public. I don’t exactly know which organizations distribute these copies. The fact that the “Buddhist is not our national race” “If you want to be an extreme nationalist, don’t be Buddhist,” was highlighted in the CDs. Another point is that “Will all monks do and say be right?” Why will we worship the Buddha without knowing whether or not he has big eyes or sharp nose? I was accused of insulting all monks. With regard to the first point, the excerpt “Buddhist is not our national race” is very dangerous. Another point I want to mean is “We are not worshipping a person but we take faiths in the Buddha’s teachings. This is crystal clear for intelligent people.
Monks from “Organisation for Protection of National Race and Religion” (Mabatha) attended today’s court hearing which started at 11 a.m. Hin Lin Oo was sent to Monyawa jail afterwards.

ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္ေနထိုင္ေသာတုိင္းရင္းသား (၁၃၅) မ်ိဳး

တုိင္းရင္းသား (၁၃၅) မ်ိဳးကို တင္ျပလုိက္ပါတယ္။
ကခ်င္တြင္ လူမ်ိဳးစု စုစုေပါင္း ၁၂ မ်ိဳး ရွိသည္။
(၁) ကခ်င္ Kachin
(၂) တရုမ္းTaron Taron
(၃) ဒေလာင္ Dalaung
(၄) ဂ်ိန္းေဖာ Jinghpaw
(၅) ေဂၚရီ Guar
(၆) ခခူ Hkahu
(၇) ဒူးလန္း Duleng
(၈) မရူ (ေလာ္ေ၀ၚ) Maru (Lawgore)
(၉) ရ၀မ္ Rawang
(၁၀) လရွီ (လခ်ိတ္) Lashi (La Chit)
(၁၁) အဇီး Atsi
(၁၂) လီဆူး Lisu
ကယားတြင္ လူမ်ိဳးစု စုစုေပါင္း ၉ မ်ိဳး ရွိသည္။
(၁၃) ကယား Kayah
(၁၄) ဇယိမ္း Zayein
(၁၅) ကယန္း (ပေဒါင္) Ka-Yun (Padaung)
(၁၆) ကဲ့ခို Gheko
(၁၇) ေဂဘား Kebar
(၁၈) ဘရဲ႕ (ကေယာ) Bre (Ka-Yaw)
(၁၉) မႏုမေနာ Manu Manaw
(၂၀) ယင္းတလဲ Yin Talai
(၂၁) ယင္းေဘာ္ Yin Baw
ကရင္တြင္ လူမ်ိဳးစု စုစုေပါင္း ၁၁ မ်ိဳး ရွိသည္။
(၂၂) ကရင္ Kayin
(၂၃)ကရင္ျဖဴ Kayinpyu
(၂၄) ပေလကီး Pa-Le-Chi
(၂၅) မြန္ကရင္ (စာျဖဴ) Mon Kayin (Sarpyu)
(၂၆) စေကာ Sgaw
(၂၇) တာေလွပြား Ta-Lay-Pwa
(၂၈) ပကူး Paku
(၂၉) ဘြဲ Bwe
(၃၀) ေမာ္ေနပြား Monnepwa
(၃၁) မိုးပြား Monpwa
(၃၂) ႐ွဴး (ပိုး) Shu (Pwo)
ခ်င္းတြင္ လူမ်ိဳးစု စုစုေပါင္း ၅၃ မ်ိဳး ရွိသည္။
(၃၃) ခ်င္း (ဇိုမီး) Chin (Zomi)
(၃၄) ေမ့ေထး (ကသည္း) Meithei (Kathe)
(၃၅) ဆလိုင္း Saline
(၃၆) ကလင္ေကာ (လူေရွ) Ka-Lin-Kaw (Lushay)
(၃၇) ခမီ Khami (or)ခူမီး Khumi
(၃၈) အ၀ခမီ Awa Khami
(၃၉) ေခါႏိုး Khawno
(၄၀) ေခါင္စို Kaungso
(၄၁) ေခါင္စိုင္ခ်င္း Kaung Saing Chin
(၄၂) ခြာဆင္းမ္ Kwelshin
(၄၃) ခြန္လီ (ဆင္) Kwangli (Sim)
(၄၄) ဂန္တဲ့ (လင္တဲ) Gunte (Lyente)
(၄၅) ေဂြးတဲ Gwete
(၄၆) ငြန္း Ngorn
(၄၇) ဆီစာန္ Zizan
(၄၈) ဆင္တန္ Sentang
(၄၉) ဆိုင္းဇန္ Saing Zan
(၅၀) ဇာေဟာင္ Za-How
(၅၁) ဇိုတံုး Zotung
(၅၂) ဇိုေဖ Zo-Pe
(၅၃) ဇို Zo
(၅၄) ဇန္ညွပ္ Zahnyet (Zanniet)
(၅၅) တေပါင္Tapong
(၅၆) တီးတိန္ Tiddim (Hai-Dim)
(၅၇) ေတဇန္ Tay-Zan
(၅၈) တိုင္ခ်ြန္း Taishon
(၅၉) သဒို Thado
(၆၀) ေတာရ္ Torr
(၆၁) ဒမ္ Dim
(၆၂) ဒိုင္ (ယင္ဒူး) Dai (Yindu)
(၆၃) နာဂ Naga
(၆၄) Tanghkul
(၆၅) Malin
(၆၆) Panun
(၆၇) Magun
(၆၈) Matu
(၆၉) Miram (Mara)
(၇၀) Mi-er
(၇၁) Mgan
(၇၂) လူရွိုင္း (လူေရွ) Lushei (Lushay)
(၇၃) Laymyo
(၇၄) Lyente
(၇၅) ေလာက္တူ Lawhtu
(၇၆) လိုင္ Lai
(၇၇) လိုင္ဇို Laizao
(၇၈) ၀ါကင္းမ္ Wakim (Mro)
(၇၉) Haulngo
(၈၀) အနူး Anu
(၈၁) အနန္ Anun
(၈၂) Oo-Pu
(၈၃) လင္းဘု Lhinbu
(၈၄) အရွိုAsho (Plain)
(၈၅) Rongtu
ဗမာတြင္ လူမ်ိဳးစု စုစုေပါင္း ၉ မ်ိဳး ရွိသည္။
(၈၆) ဗမာ Bamar
(၈၇) ထား၀ယ္ Dawei
(၈၈) ၿမိတ္ Beik
(၈၉) ေယာ Yaw
(၉၀) ယဗိန္း Yabein
(၉၁) ကဒူး Kadu
(၉၂) ကနန္း Ganan
(၉၃) ဆလံု Salon
(၉၄) ဖြန္ Hpon
မြန္္တြင္ လူမ်ိဳးစု စုစုေပါင္း ၁ မ်ိဳး ရွိသည္။
(၉၅) မြန္ Mon
ရခိုင္တြင္ လူမ်ိဳးစု စုစုေပါင္း ၇ မ်ိဳး ရွိသည္။
(၉၆) ရခိုင္ Rakhine
(၉၇) ကမန္လူမ်ိဳး Kamein
(၉၈) ခမီြး Kwe Myi
(၉၉) ဒိုင္းနက္ Daingnet
(၁၀၀) မရမာႀကီး Maramagyi
(၁၀၁) ၿမိဳ Mro
(၁၀၂) သက္ Thet
ရွမ္းတြင္ လူမ်ိဳးစု စုစုေပါင္း ၃၃ မ်ိဳး ရွိသည္။
(၁၀၃) ရွမ္း Shan
(၁၀၄) ယြန္း (ေလာ) Yun (Lao)
(၁၀၅) ကြီ Kwi
(၁၀၆) ဖ်င္ Pyin
(၁၀၇) ေယာင္ Yao
(၁၀၈) ဓေနာ Danaw
(၁၀၉) ပေလး Pale
(၁၁၀) အင္ Eng
(၁၁၁) စံု Son
(၁၁၂) ခမူ Khamu
(၁၁၃) ေကာ္ (အခါ အီေကာ) Kaw (Akha-E-Kaw)
(၁၁၄) ကိုးကန္႔ Kokant
(၁၁၅) ခႏၲီးရွမ္း Khamti Shan
(၁၁၆) ဂံုရွမ္း Hkun
(၁၁၇) ေတာင္ရိုး Taungyo
(၁၁၈) ဓနု Danu
(၁၁၉) ပေလာင္ Palaung
(၁၂၀) ေျမာင္ဇီး Man Zi
(၁၂၁) ယင္းက်ား Yin Kya
(၁၂၂) ယင္းနက္ Yin Net
(၁၂၃) ရွမ္းကေလး Shan Gale
(၁၂၄) ရွမ္းႀကီး Shan Gyi
(၁၂၅) လားဟူ Lahu
(၁၂၆) အင္းသား Intha
(၁၂၇) အိုက္ဆြယ္ Eik-swair
(၁၂၈) ပအို၀္း Pa-O
(၁၂၉) တိုင္းလြယ္ Tai-Loi
(၁၃၀) တိုင္းလ်မ္ Tai-Lem
(၁၃၁) တိုင္းလံု Tai-Lon
(၁၃၂) တိုင္းေလ့ Tai-Lay
(၁၃၃) မိုင္းသာ Maingtha
(၁၃၄) ေမာရွမ္း Maw Shan
(၁၃၅)၀ Wa
အားလံုးအတြက္အသံုးတည့္မယ့္ လူဦးေရ ( ၁၃၅ ) မ်ိဳးပါ။
Sk
Credit to Original Writer
K.K(ကေနာင္)

May Myat Noe urged to give sexual favours, pageant organiser reveals

*****************************************************************************************
Former beauty queen May Myat Noe was telling the truth when she alleged that the organising committee urged her to give sexual favours to some rich Korean businessmen, according to a fact-finding panel.
The panel, formed by the organiser of the Miss Asia World beauty pageant, revealed the finding in a press release yesterday.




The sixteen-year-old former beauty queen has earlier claimed that she was urged by the organising committee to sexually entertain some financial VIPs for the cost of the album production and her age was wrongly corrected from 15 to 18 after she was dethroned by her sponsor Lawrence Choi, also known as Choi Young Chul, on account of lying several times.
However, a fact-finding panel formed by Jung Won Young, chairperson of the Organising Committee for Miss Asia Pacific Supertalent of the World, has found out that her allegation was true.
In the press release, the organising committee stated that Choi Young Chul is the owner of the contents of the Supertalent of the World and representative of the News Networks Korea. He invites participants from abroad and sponsors some management business for beauty contest winners.
The fact-finding panel found that Choi Yung Chul’s News Networks Korea, founded in June 2014, did not have any office or staff and used a motel or an internet cafe to create fraudulent contracts in both South Korea and abroad.
May Myat Noe had signed a contract with Choi’s News Networks Korea and was invited to South Korea in August for recording and vocal training. On the first day of her arrival at a hotel in Seoul, he explained to her the schedules including attending reception for VIPs, according to the finding of the panel.
In addition, the panel revealed the fact that Choi committed misappropriation and embezzlement during the previous beauty contests. He was imprisoned for fraud in 2013 and was now on probation. He reportedly rejected the request for an interview from an MBC producer who wanted to know the truth about Miss Myanmar's tiara and sexual entertainment.
The panel is unable to locate Choi at the moment as nobody knows his whereabouts even though "Miss Asia Pacific Supertalent of the World Season 5" is scheduled for December 19 in Seoul. Therefore, all the concerned organisers, sponsors, mass media, overseas participants, etc. are all at a loss, according to the press release.
The organising committee announced that its chairman will sue Choi Young Chul, CEO of the News Networks Korea, on behalf of all the damaged parties.
"I’m very happy that everyone knows the truth now. I’m carrying out my activities in the entertainment industry at the moment," said May Myat Noe.

Myanmar allows 13 more local, foreign firms to make investments

Yangon, December 18:
Myanmar has allowed two more domestic companies and 11 foreign firms in December alone to make investments in the country, the Myanmar Investment Commission said Thursday.
Of the 11 foreign firms, two will invest in joint ventures with locals, Xinhua rported.
The 13 companies will invest in sectors like manufacturing, finished-wood production, mobile phones assembly and packaging, garment and shoe manufacturing, condominium construction and oil and gas exploration.
Mobile phones assembly and packaging will be done in Yangon, while oil and gas exploration will be carried out by a local company and a Singapore company under production sharing basis at Rakhine and Taninthayi offshore blocks, the commission said.
Statistics show that contracted foreign investment in Myanmar reached $50.61 billion in 828 projects as of the end of November this year since 1988.
Of the 37 countries and regions investing in Myanmar, China ranked first in terms of value with over $14.48 billion, accounting for 28.61 percent of the total, followed by Thailand with $10.21 billion , Singapore with $7.03 billion and Hong Kong with $6.95 billion.

Indonesia Students အင္ဒိုနီးရွား ေက်ာင္းသားငယ္တို ့၏ပညာသင္ၾကားမႈ.

Not your typical classroom! Students from learn how to grow vegetables via WFP's School Garden Programme.
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားတစ္ဦးျဖစ္တဲ့ က်ေနာ္အေနနဲ ့က်ေနာ္ႏိုင္ငံကို လည္း အနည္းဆုံးအဆင့္
အေရွ ့ေတာင္အာရွ ထိပ္တန္းႏိုင္ငံတစ္ခုျဖစ္ခ်င္ပါတယ္။
ကိုယ္တိုင္စြမ္းေဆာင္ႏိုင္တာ မရွိေပမယ့္ စြမ္းေဆာင္ႏိုင္သူေတြကို ကူညီအားေပးဖို ့ပ့ံပိုးႏိုင္ဖို ့
ေတာ့ အားထုတ္ေနပါတယ္။
ယေန ့ အင္တာနက္ကို ၾကည့္ရႈရင္း ကုလ အဖြဲ ့ရဲ ့အင္ဒိုကေလးငယ္ေတြ အတြက္
ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးေနမႈကို ျမင္ရတဲ့ အခါ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ဒါမ်ိဳးမရွိတာလား။
ဒါမွ မဟုတ္ အလြန္နည္းပါးျပီး က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္ ့ျပန္ ့မရွိလို ့က်ေနာ္တို ့ျပည္သူေတြ
မသိရတာလား။
က်ေနာ္တို ့ ရဲ ့
  မ်ိဳ းဆက္ေတြ အတြက္ က်ေနာ္တို ့ဒီလိုမ်ိဳ းအခြင့္ အေရး ရလာေအာင္ ဘာေတြ လုပ္ေဆာင္ဖို ့လိုလဲသိလိုပါတယ္။

Wednesday, December 17, 2014

Protesters continue their protesting





Photo by Ko Wai Lu

Creativity Key to Peace Dividends in Myanmar

YANGON (IRIN) - As Myanmar's nationwide ceasefire negotiations continue, peace in many formerly war-torn regions has allowed state-run lifesaving services to gradually expand. But their provision is intensely politicized, and carefully crafted access strategies are vital, experts warn.
                                          Steve Sandford/IRIN
Protracted violence combined with what The Asia Foundation (TAF), an international development NGO focused on Asia, called the central government's "extreme deficit in legitimacy" in ethnic regions meant that social services were often designed and implemented directly or indirectly by ethnic groups engaged in hostilities with the Burmese army.
However, service providers have begun to adjust by "converging" programmes, or attempting to align and unify the main elements of government and ethnic health organizations' systems - service delivery, governance and leadership, workforce, and information systems - in an effort to increase impact while allowing the peace process to continue.
In 2011 President Thein Sein instituted reforms, stoking unprecedented encouragement from international donors; aid money jumped from US$355 million in 2010 to $504 million in 2012. But ceasefire negotiations with some opposition groups continue, and even peaceful ethnic regions remain mired in deep, complex poverty.
A UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) report pointed to Myanmar's "new aid paradigm" of "moving towards the approach seen elsewhere in the world, where donors work with the government and fund projects at local level".
Nyunt Naing Thein, deputy chief of party for the Project for Local Empowerment, a programme run by the International Rescue Committee in Thailand, told IRIN: "As humanitarians, we are providing crucial services in a politically tense environment, so we have to be very careful with sequencing our own changes so that we don't jump the service provision aspects ahead of the politics."
Myanmar's Ministry of Health said that while there is no single national convergence policy "progress has been made... at the local and state levels, for example with training and [the] provision of vaccines and commodities."
Experts say it is crucial that everyone from donors to practitioners see convergence as a matter of necessity, but carry out the process with patience. As services are scaled up and formalized in impoverished and isolated corners of the country, survival strategies developed during decades of violence and intimidation continue to be important.
Creative strategies
Healthcare workers have been targeted by the government or army in some locations. "Community health organizations have filled the service gap left by the state, but work has often proved dangerous... The direct targeting of healthcare workers has included kidnappings by the Tatmadaw [Myanmar army], while government restrictions on movement prevented patients and healthcare workers accessing clinics. Individuals who contravened restrictions risked being shot on site by Tatmadaw forces," said Katherine Footer, a research associate at the Johns Hopkins University School of Public Health in a November 2014 article on violence against healthcare workers in eastern Myanmar.
"Community health workers have filled the service gap left by the state, but work has proved dangerous" Footer argued that healthcare workers' experiences in tense areas led to the development of important survival tactics: "In the presence of chronic insecurity, development of self-protection strategies by [healthcare workers] and the communities they serve has been essential to maintaining a shadow healthcare system in eastern Burma and ameliorating, if not eliminating, restrictions to access."
Myanmar researcher Ashley South argued in a 2010 Chatham House paper that "such local approaches to protection are particularly important in situations where international humanitarian actors have limited access - and especially in cases where the state is one of the main agents threatening vulnerable populations."
International agencies supported many such efforts by setting up offices across the border in Thailand which, according to a 2012 article published by the Overseas Development Institute's Humanitarian Practice Network (HPN), forged relationships between aid agencies and opposition organizations.
"As cross-border aid is often the only way to help highly vulnerable communities, agencies working in zones of ongoing armed conflict have little choice but to accept some form of relationship with insurgent groups," the HPN paper explained, arguing that international agencies should do more to understand local protection strategies these workers used.
"This will not be a straightforward undertaking in south-east Myanmar, where the humanitarian agenda is highly politicized," HPN researchers argued, however insisting that "local humanitarian activities can mobilise communities and help to build trust and capacity, and international donors can engage positively with such initiatives."
Vaccinations, for example
"We have to strike a balance," says Nyunt Naing Thein, pointing to vaccinations as an example of a crucial service that can be expanded through proper convergence.
"Sending government healthcare workers [to administer vaccines] won't make sense because they won't be accepted there by the communities or the ethnic armed groups that still control some territories," he explained. "Sending ethnic health workers makes more sense, but they are not certified by the central authority or Ministry of Health," he said, calling it "a situation where we want to get services like vaccinations expanded to people who need them, and we also want to respect the central government's requirements to train and certify people who can administer vaccines."
To solve this problem, the Project for Local Empowerment developed an accreditation partnership between a Burmese university and a Thai university.
"The ethnic health workers were much more comfortable accessing the training [in Thailand]," Nyunt Naing Thein told IRIN. "And the fact that the government agreed to do this, signals some respect for the work these people have been doing as humanitarians for decades, and a willingness to engage in supporting people everywhere in the country."
Nyunt Naing Thein emphasized that all such processes should be carried out in a way that builds trust among the parties concerned.
Kim Jolliffe, a researcher who authored the TAF report, warned: "In areas where trust is slowly being built but ceasefires remain fragile, rapid expansion of government presence can damage confidence and must be done with caution and better consultation."
Jolliffe told IRIN that social services and peace processes are interdependent: "Convergence of state and ethnic armed organization-linked systems should not be viewed as a strategy that can be pushed through, as it is dependent on the peace transition and will take time."
He explained that convergence efforts could have long-term impacts on how government-run social services are shaped and reformed in conflict-affected areas, adding that: "It is crucial that support is maintained to existing structures on which hundreds of thousands people depend, particularly as ceasefires could break."
Myanmar was ruled from 1962 to 2011 by a repressive military government that crushed dissent and fought protracted armed conflicts in the country's border regions where ethnic minorities live. Social services in remote and contested areas were provided by everything from local NGOs linked to ethnic opposition groups to cross-border mobile teams - some of whom were known as "Back Pack Medics."
This report was originally published by IRIN Humanitarian News.

Qatar- Ooredoo is facing a new competitor in Myanmar



(MENAFN - Gulf Times) The upcoming launch of a fourth mobile phone operator in Myanmar means a new challenge for Qatar's telecom group Ooredoo which is currently building up a nation-wide network in the country seen as one of the world's last telecoms frontiers, with Telenor and incumbent Myanmar Post and Telecommunication (MPT) as its current competitors.

News broke last week that Viettel, Vietnam's largest mobile network operator and a government-owned enterprise wholly owned and operated by Vietnam's Ministry of Defence, will invest around 1.8bn in Myanmar to set up a mobile phone network on its own. In a first step, Viettel will create a joint venture with Myanmar's Yatanarpon Teleport, holder of the fourth mobile phone licence, and bring in 800mn in the deal. The rest, 1bn, should come from an unnamed foreign partner, it turned out at shareholders' meeting of Viettel held on December 3.

Viettel together with Ooredoo and Telenor was one of the bidders in Myanmar's 2013 mobile phone licence auction but failed to secure a licence. However, its deputy general director Le Dang Dung said after the auction that the company will continue to seek "co-operation opportunities with winning bidders to launch services in the country."

In turn, Yatanarpon Teleport has been looking for foreign companies to establish a partnership in the telecommunication sector ever since it received the licence. The company is majority-owned by MPT at 51%, with the rest being held by local private investors, among them Elite Tech Co, part of the influential conglomerate Htoo Group of Companies of business tycoon Tay Za, believed to be Myanmar's richest businessman but also a prominent name on the US sanctions list against Myanmar business people.

Before deciding to tie up with Viettel, Yatanarpon Teleport has reportedly mulled partnerships with Thailand's True Corp and Axiata from Malaysia, both large telecoms in their respective countries, but the talks were unsuccessful. Yatanarpon currently offers pre-paid mobile services and Internet packages as well as satellite communication. Ironically, its majority owner MPT will turn a competitor itself as it also holds a mobile phone licence and has recently partnered with Japanese firms KDDI Corp and Sumitomo Corp, which have said they will invest 2bn in their own mobile phone network.

Despite Myanmar still being a country largely underserved by mobile phone services at a current penetration rate of some 11%, future competition between the four operators could turn out to be a tough one and put prices further under pressure. Ooredoo and Telenor launched their new mobile services in August and September this year, respectively, and since prices for SIM cards have plummeted from 150 to 1.50. Both companies paid very high bids for their licences and need to invest billions of dollars in mobile phone tower construction and other telecommunications infrastructure, along with massive marketing incentives.

Adding to the situation is Myanmar's current devaluation of the national currency, the kyat, which brought with it rising inflation for consumer goods and lower purchasing power for Myanmar people, decelerating the speed of mobile phone customer growth.

Thai Army Chief Visits Myanmar To Discuss Border Cooperation


BANGKOK, Dec 17 (Bernama) - Thai army chief General Udomdej Sitabutr on Wednesday left for Myanmar to strengthen military relations and discuss border cooperation between the two countries, Thai News Agency (TNA) reports.

Gen. Udomdej who is also Deputy Defence Minister is accompanied by military officials and his wife, Wipada Sitabutr in her capacity as president of Thai Army Wives Association.

He is scheduled to meet with Myanmar's commander-in-chief of defence services Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and other officials.

The Thai army chief will discuss issues such as anti-drug cooperation in border areas and development of Thai and Myanmar villages along the common border.

Other topics include ways to improve the living conditions of locals in a bid to address cross-border illegal activities, and a reforestation project along the Thai-Myanmar border initiated by Thai Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-ocha.

Gen. Udomdej's visit is until Thursday.

-- BERNAMA

Tuesday, December 16, 2014

Myanmar: Magazine must go with the river's flow

YANGON, Myanmar (AP) — It was easy for Myanmar's former military government to change the name of the country's mightiest river, but a magazine ordered to make the same change is putting up a fight.
State-run newspapers published an Information Ministry announcement Tuesday telling the Irrawaddy Publishing Group that it must change the names of its two publications named after the Irrawaddy River to use the spelling "Ayeyawady."
That's what the former ruling junta renamed the river in 1989, when it also changed the country's name from Burma to Myanmar and the then-capital from Rangoon to Yangon. The announcement said use of the old spellings contravenes the "Adaptation of Expression" law.
Aung Zaw, the publishing group's founding editor-in-chief and recent recipient of an International Press Freedom award from the Committee to Protect Journalists, called the order "an attempt to stifle independent media" and said it was not the first time the publication has been pressured by the government.
"We felt that it was blatant interference in our mission and we couldn't accept it. We will continue to use the 'Irrawaddy,'" Aung Zaw told The Associated Press. The group publishes The Irrawaddy, an English-language news magazine, and the Myanmar-language Irrawaddy Weekly Journal.
Myanmar's elected but army-dominated government, which came to power in 2011 after almost five decades of military rule, has been reining in freedoms granted to the media after initial loosening of censorship and other moves promoting freedom of speech, amid fears that the country's transition to democracy is slowing.
The Irrawaddy, which also has a news website, has faced harassment since opening an office in the country. It continues to keep its main offices in Chiang Mai in neighboring Thailand, where Myanmar opposition groups and free media were based during the years of military rule.
Visas held by non-Myanmar staff members have in recent months been issued for shorter periods, and editors have been told to tone down reporting on the government and military.
"There are many other important issues, but focusing on names and spellings shouldn't be a matter in this transition period. It only creates confusion among people," Aung Zaw said.